Gender Blind Policy?

Having a “gender blind” policy such as Workfare may at first usher to mind images and notions of equality, however, a gender blind stance often ignores the different contexts and barriers that shape the lives of women and can work to reinforce inequality and economic dependency. While the role of women as care takers is a social construct, the consequences of this social construct is still very alive today. In 1996 the majority (61%) of Canadian single mothers and their children were living in poverty (National Council of Welfare, 1998). Some of the reasons accounting for this may be the lack of decent employment, lack of childcare, and the increasingly stringent welfare policies such as workfare. In 1997, women represented 55 percent of the social assistance caseload (National Council of Welfare, 1998).

In 1920 when welfare for single mothers was introduced their responsibility as the primary caretakers of their children was acknowledged. Single mothers were therefore not required to look for fulltime work. However, with the welfare reforms and introduction of Workfare, the category of single mothers was wiped clear. As a result, according to Workfare policy, single mothers as well as fathers with school aged children are expected to participate in the workforce to the same extent as single women and men. Single mothers are viewed as though they have no dependents, creating increased burdens for these families. There is also no provision of childcare to those that have to participate in Workfare which results in further economic hardship. For instance, one mother in Ontario explains having to pay $40 per week out of her welfare cheque to finance her own childcare while she participated in workfare (Ontario Workfare Watch, “Broken promises”, 1999)

A policy cannot turn a blind eye to gender differences, claiming equality. While it can be seen as a good thing that policy is rejecting an essentialist identity of women, at the same time it cannot ignore the authority of experience. Women are still more likely to be taking on care giving roles at the same time as economic labour roles, and most often it is single mothers that are suffering from poverty as the previous statistic illustrated.

Women experience increased structural barriers in the labour market through occupational and wage discrimination (1999 Statistics Canada showed, women were paid 80 cents for every dollar earned by men) as well as the constraints related to their increased expectations with regards to childcare and household responsibilities. These disadvantages are magnified when women are the only providers in their families. Turning a blind eye to the differential affects of poor women, and particularly poor women of colour exacerbates their poverty.

Since racial and sexist oppression is intrinsically connected to the disenfranchisement of the poor through current and historical process of patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism, workfare is not just an attack on the poor, but an attack on women and people of colour. Resent research by Christensen illustrates that discrimination in employment keeps non-white workers in unstable and low wage employment and as a result they are more likely to be in need of social assistance and therefore subjected to Workfare measures. These Workfare measures ignore gender and racial discrimination, cementing marginalized individuals in inadequate labour market positions. A specific example of this includes how immigrant women are disadvantaged right from their entrance into Canada. The application process requires families to designate a principal applicant and others as dependents. These dependents are less likely to receive language training and other resources. This gender blind policy seems to be an excuse to turn a blind eye to the differential experiences of those under Workfare.